On 4th January 2024, Prime Minister Narendra Modi shared a social media (X) post praising the beaches of Lakshadweep and the beauty of the Island to encourage tourism in India, which led to the rift between India and Maldives, since Maldives completely depends on tourism for external revenue. As a result, several junior ministers from Maldives including Mahzoom Majid, Malsha Shareef, and Maryam Shiuna attacked Modi on social media, calling him a “clown” and a “terrorist”. It was assumed that Modi’s promotion of Lakshadweep would jeopardise Maldive’s economic interests. The online turmoil intensified when the Indian media advocated for a boycott of Maldives in favour of redirecting Indian tourists to Lakshadweep. The damage became apparent when the three ministers were suspended and New Delhi summoned the Maldivian high commissioner to discuss the situation. India used to have the most tourists visiting the Maldives, but it has since been surpassed by Italy, Russia and the United Kingdom.
The diplomatic clash between India and the Maldives began earlier, when the new Maldivian president, Mohamed Muizzu, came to office with a strong campaign termed “India-Out,” which emerged as a countermeasure to former President Solih’s “India-First” approach. These anti-Indian sentiments were propagated across the nation by Muizzu which took many different forms. With his election, Muizzu expressed his intention for a more independent foreign policy, one that would lessen the Maldives’ reliance on India and develop deeper ties with other nations including China. He also demanded the withdrawal of Indian military men stationed in the Maldives to assist humanitarian efforts and aircraft maintenance. Additionally, he disregarded the custom of a newly sworn-in President going to India first, instead visiting China, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
The Maldives’ inclination towards China, which has worried India, is at the core of this diplomatic dispute. China and the Maldives established formal bilateral ties in 1972, and their relationship has evolved steadily through diplomatic and commercial interactions. In 2014, Maldives joined China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), establishing partnerships under several economic projects. Maldives have also continued to borrow substantial amounts of finance from China. By June 2023, the Export-Import Bank of China controlled 25.2 per cent of Maldives’ external debt and was the country’s largest single lender. During Muizzu’s visit to China, the two countries signed multiple agreements and took steps toward implementing the Maldives-China Free Trade Agreement (FTA), which had been hindered under the previous administration. Furthermore, the administration of Muizzu indicated that the two countries had a “comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership,” indicating a decreased reliance on India.
India, on the other hand, has taken a cautious approach to the matter to avoid being perceived as a regional bully. India maintained its position as a trustworthy partner while avoiding any direct conflicts with the Maldives. Despite the tensions, India preserved its engagement with the Maldives. It was evident that neither India nor the Maldives wanted to fully cut ties with each other. Muizzu permitted the Thilamale Bridge Project to proceed, which is an infrastructure project backed by India, despite his anti-Indian rhetoric. The Maldives also expressed a desire to fortify and carry forward the current projects rather than abandoning them.
Following the bilateral spat, a turning point in the hostilities occurred when Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar visited the Maldives in August to heal the strained ties between the two nations. Jaishankar reaffirmed during his visit, the significance of the Maldives to India as a vital maritime neighbour and India’s dedication to the Vision SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) and the “Neighbourhood First” policy. Several agreements were signed during the visit, including several new major initiatives. A memorandum of understanding on the capacity building of Maldivian civil servants was signed, India’s Unified Payments Interface (UPI) was introduced in Maldives, and six High Impact Community Development Projects (HIICDPs) were introduced in the areas of mental health, special education, and street lighting. Jaishankar also reiterated India’s support for the Maldives’ infrastructure and development projects. The Greater Male Connectivity Project (GMCP), a flagship development project backed by India, was emphasized as a vital initiative that will link Male with the nearby islands of Villingili, Gulhifalhu, and Thilafushi. In addition, the Addu Reclamation and Shore Protection Project and the Addu Detour Link Bridge Project, both funded by India, were launched to strengthen India’s interests.
As the Maldives faces fiscal challenges and the risk of a debt crisis comparable to Sri Lanka’s, India’s backing has proven crucial in maintaining regional stability. By investing in and supporting the Maldives, India can strengthen its position as a stabilizing power in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) while resisting Chinese influence. With the help of recent events, India was able to halt the spread of anti-Indian sentiment and reinforce their strategic alliance. The two countries were also able to acknowledge the need to keep a cooperative relationship with one another. Greater security and mutual benefit are on the horizon as the Maldives continues to regulate its foreign policy and India remains a dependable development partner rather than a regional bully. Even if the conflict is still ongoing, its outcome shows that collaboration and diplomacy can overcome even the most formidable geopolitical challenges. India’s strategy of diplomacy, development, and strategic engagement will be crucial in retaining its influence and guaranteeing regional security, as the geopolitical environment in the Indian Ocean Region evolves.
Source: Modern diplomacy
Note: Shafaqna do not endorse the views expressed in the article